Recent events in Bangladesh bring back memories of the 1971 war. It was in March that a few million refugees spilled out of Bangladesh into the neighboring states of Assam, West Bengal, and Tripura, leaving us no option but to take care of them. It was a sequel to the general elections in Pakistan when the Sheikh Mujibur Rahman-led Awami League party won the majority of votes. This meant that if the Civilian Government wanted to be formed, it would be led by Mujibur. Bhutto, who was preparing to take over as the country’s PM if the military chose to transfer power to a democratically elected government, found this unacceptable. Nationwide unrest erupted in East Pakistan as the military unleashed a reign of terror on the civilian population, resulting in their exodus. The military rulers of Pakistan had decided to change the race of their eastern part so that the future generation has non-Bengali blood running in their veins. To eliminate all intellectuals to create a leadership vacuum in the country, and lastly, to eliminate all able-bodied men who were at the forefront of the troublemakers.
The 1971 war resulted in the creation of a new nation called Bangladesh and the installation of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as his prime minister.
Even at that time, the Jamiat-e-Islami party had strongly opposed the creation of Bangladesh as a new nation. The party basically comprised radicals who had always been troublemakers in the country, often being banned as a political party, as was recently done by Sheikh Hasina. It is interesting to note that the current regime of Bangladesh, led by Yunus, has lifted the ban.
The events that led to our induction into the 1971 offensive in Tripura come to mind. We had moved from our peacetime location in Tezpur to Teliamora, 40 km short of Agartala. Travel was by road, as no rail track existed beyond Badarpur, where the Barak River had to be crossed, and no bridge existed at that time. All our vehicles had to be crossed on rafts. The road was in poor condition with potholes that slowed down the movement to a large extent. All along the road were trees of jackfruit, which grew wild in that area. Jackfruit curry is an excellent North Indian dish, and raw jackfruit is a costly item. It took us three days to cover a distance of around 300 km.
Assam maintained strong rail and road connections with the rest of the country. The carving of East Pakistan out of Bengal was akin to a giant crocodile taking a large bite out of a piece of land.
Assam suddenly became a landlocked state with limited connectivity with the rest of the country via a small strip in the north through Siliguri. If the leadership had given it some thought, they could have carved out a strip of land between East Pakistan and Myanmar to provide an exit to the Bay of Bengal for shipping activity, preventing the area from remaining isolated and cut off from the rest of the country and the world.
Cox’s Bazar sea beach is the longest natural sea beach in the world, running 120 km, and the 5th longest beach after Praia do Cassino in Brazil. Having this beach at our disposal could significantly boost tourism in the North-East region. In the 1971 war, an amphibious force of the Indian army landed at Cox’s Bazar and proceeded northward to link up with our forces heading towards Chittagong.
Access to the sea would have given the state of Assam a major boost. It would then have become as prosperous as the rest of India. If adjustments to the boundaries hadn’t been made in 1937, when Burma separated from India, they could have been made at least in 1947. This marked a significant leadership failure for the second time in history.
Upon the creation of Bangladesh, we heard several heartening promises. One of the promises was that the Akhaura railway station, located at the Bangladesh border, would establish a direct rail link to Kolkata, which is approximately 360 km away and would require an overnight journey. Instead, a new train has begun operations following the construction of the Badarpur bridge and the extension of the railway line to Sabroom, resulting in a 36-hour travel time from Sealdah to Sabroom. This would have resulted in significant time and fare savings! Also, a highway would come up, cutting across Bangladesh to the state of West Bengal. Additionally, we would re-establish the earlier rail links that crossed East Pakistan into Assam. A division of the Indian Army comparable in strength to the NATO forces in Europe at the end of WWII would remain in Bangladesh. Imagine the transformation of northeastern life as a gateway to India and the world if this had occurred. The presence of Indian troops would have had a sobering effect on the internal politics of the country. The country would have either eliminated or minimized the harassment of minorities to keep it within a manageable level.
An encouraging bit of news is that the rail corridor between Kolkata and Agartala appears to have become a reality. The Indian Railways has extended the Akhaura railway line to Nischintapur near Sonamura, connecting it to the existing broad gauge rail network in Assam. So, with the Maitri bridge coming up and providing container movement from Tripura to sea, the North East region will no longer remain isolated. The future indeed appears to be bright for them. People in the North East seem to be realizing the adage, “Better late than never.”
Ayub Khan and Cariappa were friends and often chatted on the phone. Both were of the opinion that partition was an unwise step and that the two countries should come together once again. When Ayub Khan became the president of Pakistan, Cariappa had gone and stayed with him as his guest. Cariappa reminded him of their earlier resolve and said, “Now that you are the President of the country, let us do something in this regard.” Ayub Khan’s response was, “Times have changed. I am a politician now, the matter is a close chapter.” What a hypocritical person he was.
When the 1965 war happened, Cariappa’s son, who was a pilot in the Air Force, had his plane shot down. However, he successfully escaped, and Cariappa received a promotional message assuring him that his son was safe and would receive proper care. Cariappa’s response was, “Look after all the prisoners; they are all my sons.”
I had a chance to meet the legendary KM Cariappa in 1974 when I went on a private visit with a Union Minister to Bangalore. We visited the Sai Baba Ashram there. He was also there in Sai Baba’s chamber, and when Sai Baba was emerged from his room, all of us stood up with folded hands. Cariappa quickly got on his knees and bent forward to touch his forehead on the ground in Dandawat as a form of obeisance to Sai Baba. He then suddenly was on his feet as quickly as he had kneeled, an indication of his high level of physical fitness. He must have been in his 80s then.
“All my civilian clothes are in my Dacca bungalow, which the Bengalis must have looted,” Maj Gen Qazi Abdul Majid said these words when I informed him that I was escorting the Pakistani General from Bhairab Bazaar on December 15, 1971, and I was unaware of the situation in Dacca.
At that time, it was not clear to me what exactly the general meant when he used the word Bengali. This became clear on January 9, 1972, when I went to Dacca for the second time. All the lovely and lush green parks I had seen on my first trip had disappeared. Large tentage townships, housing all non-Bengali residents awaiting their repatriation to West Pakistan, had taken their place. They were called Bihari Muslims. They defined all non-Bengalis as Bihari Muslims, regardless of their place of origin. The result was that no integration took place between the immigrants and the local Bengalis due to the cultural, ethnic, and language disparity. Each group maintained its unique identity, and during the 1971 war, a significant portion of the population became Pakistani sympathizers, siding with the Pakistani army when the trouble in Bangladesh began.
Religion alone cannot be the fabric for compatibility between two groups of people. Cultural and ethnic affinity are equally important factors. Serious linguistic and regional biases also exist in West Pakistan. A Punjabi finds it difficult to reconcile with a Sindhi, and a Pathan discovers neither of them agreeable. Furthermore, within the religion, there exists a specific sect that distinguishes them from the others. Ahmedi sect Muslims had been declared as a non-Muslim minority. It will be interesting to know that Sir Zafar Ullah Khan, who was the long-term foreign minister of Pakistan and a vociferous speaker who could speak for hours in the UN assembly on the Kashmir issue, belonged to the Ahmedi sect. Born in Punjab in 1893, he received a knighthood in 1935 for his diplomatic efforts in the Middle East. He was a blue-eyed boy of Lord Linlithgow, the Viceroy of India, and was a member of his executive council. He represented Pakistan in the UN assembly on the Kashmir issue, a topic he could discuss for hours.
V.K. Krishna Menon, who possessed commendable lung power, stood in opposition to him on the Indian side. He held the record of having made the longest speech in the UN assembly on the Kashmir matter.
As the junior most officer it was my privilege to receive the VIP at the entrance of the officer’s mess and escort him up to the table where the visitors book was kept. I was supposed to dip the pen in the ink pot handed over to him so that he could make entry into the visitor’s book. Thereafter I was to use the blotter to dab on the writing to prevent it from smudging. A simple ritual which I was made to rehearse several times. All that was not necessary as he immediately took out his golden Parker fountain pen from his pocket, made the entry in the visitors book, got up, shook hands with me, and was on his way. Krishna Menon, at that time, was the defense minister of our country.
The Ahmedi sect became a non-Muslim minority sometime in the late seventies or early 1980s. Zafar Ullah Khan must have been deeply saddened when he passed away, as the cause he had tirelessly championed had suddenly become insignificant. He was no longer a Muslim by religion!
Bhutto refused to take the stranded Bihari Muslims back to West Pakistan. I don’t really know what happened to them, but I believe Sheikh Mujibur Rahman softened his stand and allowed them to stay in the country.
Assam continues to rank among the poorest states in the country. Gujarat struck oil almost a century later, but look where they stand now. If we look beyond India, the examples of Saudi Arabia and Brunei come to mind. All were stuck in Saudi Arabia in 1938, and they are now controlling the world oil prices for the past 50 years or so. In the early decade of the century, when there was a steep rise in the price of crude oil, the number of small oil refineries came up in the United States. The profitability was quite high. Saudi Arabia cleverly managed to lower the international prices to a level where the cost of production became higher than the sale price. This led to the permanent closure of new oil refineries in the US. Once this happened, they cleverly maneuvered to raise the price of the crude to its original level.
Brunei was a small princely state on the tip of Borneo in the north of Indonesia. The island is full of mangroves with no natural vegetation and no resources. After the discovery of oil there in 1932, the Sultan of Brunei rose to become one of the world’s richest men, owning several business houses in the UK.
‘DIG BOY DIG’ is what the Canadian, part of the first oil exploration team in Assam, shouted after the confirmation they got from Calcutta that the oil sample they sent for testing indeed was black gold. He did not know that he was announcing the name of the first oil refinery, Digboi, that was to come up later in Assam. Any country that finds oil instantly becomes wealthy. Regrettably, Assam’s oil embankment began as early as 1832, with the establishment of the first oil refinery in Digboi during the 1890s. Subsequently, Assam saw the establishment of three more oil refineries, but these developments did not significantly boost the state’s economy. The state continued to rank among the most backward in the country.
Nature had blessed Assam with not only oil but other commodities as well. The Assam teak is famous for its woodwork. Petrol prices in Assam are about the highest in the country. Except for rice, nothing else grows in Assam. Despite being the largest producer of tea, Kolkata has continued to host the tea auction for decades. Thus, they lost out on the significant revenue share that went to West Bengal.
Police use Wooden Lathi with impunity to control crowds. Anyone who has felt the sting of a police lathi is chastised for life and never ventures to be on the wrong side of the law ever again. Bamboo, which grows wild and in abundance in Assam and other North East states, serves as the material for these lathis. Thus, we discover the severe injustice our leaders, both at the central and state levels, have inflicted upon the state of Assam.
Everything else has to be brought from outside. Almost all the consumer goods had to be brought from outside. The state did not experience any industrialisation, despite its crucial role in development. The availability of limestone, an essential raw material for cement production, has led to the establishment of several cement factories in the private sector.
The idea to create the Maitri Bridge, which spans the Feni River and defines the border between Bangladesh and Tripura, came about well over 50 years ago. The distance between Sabroom and Mongla Port, which serves as a container port in Tripura, is the shortest route.
The Maitre Bridge across the Feni River brings to my mind the establishment of the Suez Canal, which provides navigation for ships between the Mediterranean Sea and the Red Sea. The Suez Canal is about 193 km long, 250 m wide, and 25 m deep. The Suez Canal provides two-way communication to the ships, making trading between the Mediterranean countries and the Far East greatly economical in terms of ocean freight. Why not consider building a Maitri Canal, rather than a Maitri bridge similar to the Suez Canal, to connect Tripura with the Bay of Bengal, a mere 80 km distant and less than half the length of the Suez Canal? If this is feasible, Tripura could serve as a port in the Bay of Bengal State, facilitating free trade activities with the Northeast, the rest of India, and the world. Apart from this, Tripura can provide connectivity by rail and road to the already existing line and rail network in West Bengal. Sabroom will thus become a major communication hub in the eastern part of the country.
An encouraging bit of news is that the rail corridor between Kolkata and Agartala appears to be becoming a reality. The extension of the Akhaura railway line to Nischintapur near Sonamura, already on the broad gauge rail link to the existing Assam rail network, is noteworthy. So, with the Maitre bridge coming up and providing container movement from Tripura to sea, the North East region will no longer remain isolated. The future indeed appears to be bright for them. People in the North East seem to be realizing that it’s better late than never.
On the eve of Durga Puja, the Army Chief of Bangladesh made a statement that all arrangements for the peaceful celebration of the festival were in place, and the event would pass off peacefully. Regrettably, the peaceful celebration of Durga Puja failed to occur, leading to widespread violence. We don’t think much of a country whose armed forces fail to ensure the safety of its citizens unless it is due to a lack of will on their part.