Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) leader Sukanta Majumdar’s proposal to include North Bengal as part of the northeastern states has ignited significant controversy and political backlash, particularly from the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC).
North Bengal
North Bengal, also known as Uttar Banga, has seven districts: Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Coochbehar, Alipurduar, North Dinajpur, South Dinajpur, and Malda, which are the most popular tourist destinations in our country and produce the best world-renowned Darjeeling tea in India. It accounts for roughly 25% of the entire West Bengal state. The reason for including North Bengal in the NE is primarily political, as the BJP won 5 of the 7 North Bengal Lok Sabha seats despite being Mamta Banerjee’s (popularly known as Didi) stronghold in West Bengal.
This suggested north-south divide at the micro level in Bengal mirrors our country’s north-south divide at the national or macro level. The division of West Bengal would decrease the Didi’s dominance in the remaining state. West Bengal State would lose Darjeeling, Kalimpong, heritage railways, revenue, and people, all producing enormous wealth from tourism. Tea would become part of NE or a new Union Territory (UT) controlled by the central government.
This has resulted in a war between Modi’s BJP and Didi’s TMC, with the latter accusing BJP secessionists of attempting to divide Bengal for political benefit by resorting to political and communal violence, causing collateral damage and the loss of many impoverished innocent lives.
Our foes would benefit the most, while the country and West Bengal would suffer greatly. At the same time, it has been reported that BJP leader Sukanta Majumdar, a Lok Sabha Member of Parliament (MP) from West Bengal’s Balurghat constituency, and the Union Minister of State (MoS) Education have already spoken with PM Narendra Modi about accelerating regional development in tandem with the Northeast.
TMC MP Sukhendu Sekhar Ray has declared that North Bengal is a vital part of West Bengal and that the Prime Minister has no authority to entertain such unconstitutional requests. At the same time, another TMC leader, Riju Datta, wrote in X that this move is anti-Bengal and anti-Bengali and will battle until the last drop of blood to safeguard Bengal’s sovereignty, integrity, and boundaries. Sensing violence, some BJP officials are retracting, claiming that the NE region benefits from several development projects. As a part of West Bengal, North Bengal might be included in the NE area, which contributes 10% more to development than the rest of the states, sharing 50% of the weight.
In addition, North Bengal will benefit from the separate Ministry of Development of the Northeast Region (DoNER) for overall development. North Bengal is already suffering from the demand for Gorkhaland, while the Northeast has its own set of problems, with Manipur currently being the most severe.
Gorkhaland Agitation
The demand for Gorkhaland by the people of Darjeeling Hills and those of Gorkha ethnic origin in Dooars has caused substantial disturbance in the northern region of West Bengal. This agitation, which is based on ethno-linguistic rights and is being led by organizations like the Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLFT) and Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM), poses a significant threat to a variety of strategic assets in the region. The Siliguri belt, a region of significant strategic significance, is particularly vulnerable to the current circumstances. The Gorkhaland agitation in the hill areas and the influx of Bangladeshi migrants in the plains have combined to generate significant concerns for national security.
The North East Region (NER)
Salient Features
The Northeast region (NER) of India is comprised of seven states: Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Manipur, and Tripura. Sikkim is frequently incorporated as the eighth state. Each state has its own distinct historical context, unique challenges, and distinct identity. The insurgency and discontent in the NER are multifaceted and transcend mere security concerns. The region is characterized by a remarkable diversity of linguistic, ethnic, and religious traditions, with more than 200 communities speaking 194 languages and dialects. It is crucial to acknowledge that the notion that Christianity is the driving force behind separatism in the North East is inaccurate, as numerous non-Christian communities, including the Meiteis, Tripuris, Assamese, Riangs, and Bodos, are also engaged in a variety of movements. The current administration, led by Prime Minister Modi, has encountered difficulties in resolving the issues in Manipur. The prospective inclusion of North Bengal as a Union Territory in the NER could further complicate the situation.
Cross Border Support
The Indo-Myanmar and Indo-Bangladesh borders span 5,638 km, with the Bangladesh border covering 3,995 km. The North East region (NER) has experienced substantial economic dereliction in recent decades despite its strategic significance. This is especially remarkable because the region was at the vanguard of Indian development and globalization 100-150 years ago. The discovery of valuable resources, including coal, oil, and tea, and forestry development resulted in significant economic activity during that period. The construction of railways, highways, and inland water transport systems further enhanced the region’s potential for economic exploitation. The striking contrast between the region’s past economic prominence and its current challenges is underscored by this historical context, underscoring the necessity of a renewed emphasis on its development and integration with the rest of India.
BJPs Strategy
The BJP’s strategy in the NER appears to be based on a divide-and-rule approach, which capitalizes on the North-South divisions. At the most recent general election, they secured five of the seven MP seats in the region, demonstrating their success. The BJP aims to fortify its position and potentially undermine the TMC in forthcoming elections by forging a robust presence in North Bengal.
The TMC has reportedly neglected North Bengal, resulting in calls for establishing a distinct state. The Nepali-speaking Indian Gorkhas are advocating for a distinct Gorkhaland state within India, which would encompass the hill regions of Darjeeling and Kalimpong districts and portions of the Dooars region. This proposed state would encompass regions abundant in crude oil production, tea, and tourism, potentially depriving West Bengal of seven parliamentary seats and substantial revenue sources.
Leftist parties have also supported the concept of distinct statehood in the past. Furthermore, the Kamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO), a militant organization, aims to unify the Koch Rajbongshi community in various districts of North Bengal and portions of Assam, Bihar, and Nepal.
Advocates contend North Bengal has numerous similarities to the North East, and its merger with the NE region could enable it to capitalize on DoNER (Development of North Eastern Region) initiatives and potentially expedite development. Other perceived advantages include the cessation of Bengali domination and the resolution of concerns regarding the impact of unlawful Muslim migrants from Bangladesh on the region’s demographics, economy, health, education, and development.
Previously, Alipurduar MP John Barla proposed the creation of a distinct Union Territory in this region. Nevertheless, it is crucial to acknowledge that these are intricate issues with various stakeholders and potential repercussions that necessitate meticulous analysis.
TMC’s Reaction
The opposing perspective characterizes the BJP’s actions as secessionist and anti-Bengal/anti-Bengali. Referring to the historical trauma of the 1947 partition, there is a strong sentiment against any further division of Bengal. A resolute stance against any attempts to alter Bengal’s present boundaries is reflected in the statement, “We will NOT let it happen again.”
The current West Bengal leadership, particularly “Didi” (likely referring to Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee), is accused by critics of having a lenient approach toward illegal migrants from Bangladesh. Not only has she allegedly caused tensions with the BJP and Prime Minister Modi, but she has also caused tensions with Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, as per her reported statement regarding the open condition of West Bengal’s borders.
Although establishing a distinct state may be consistent with the BJP’s immediate political objectives, there are apprehensions that it could establish a precedent, potentially motivating other separatist factions to make comparable demands in the future.
TMC has pledged to oppose any division of the state “until the last drop of blood in their bodies,” indicating a fervent opposition to the concept. The West Bengal Legislative Assembly’s passage of a resolution against any division of the state further solidifies this resolve.
The debate concerning potential modifications to West Bengal’s territorial integrity is distinguished by the intricate and emotionally fraught nature of the points raised.
Points of view of two military veterans of My Regiment
Major General Ananta Bhuyan (Retired) offers a historical and strategic perspective on the North Bengal region:
He points out that the Alipurduar and Coochbehar districts were originally part of Assam (Kamrup), with the population primarily consisting of Koch and Rajbongshi communities. The region’s demographic shifted to a Bengali-speaking majority in the 20th century due to influx from East Pakistan. At independence, it became part of West Bengal based on linguistic considerations.
Gen. Bhuyan highlights the region’s vulnerability due to the uncontrolled influx of Bangladeshi Muslims over recent decades. He notes that Northeast states are generally more vigilant about infiltration than the West Bengal government.
The retired general suggests potential benefits if the region was considered part of the Northeast, noting that Sikkim is already included in this grouping. He recommends forming a separate state comprising five districts: Alipurduar, Coochbehar, Jalpaiguri, Kalimpong, and Darjeeling. This aligns with long-standing demands from Koch-Rajbongshis for a separate Kamatapur State.
Gen. Bhuyan believes that with the BJP’s strong presence, the region would likely align with the Centre on national security matters if separated. He suggests that Union Territory status might be preferable to joining Assam, as locals may not favor the latter option.
He clarifies that while there is no actual Kamatapur on the ground, the Kamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO) continues to demand it.
This perspective adds another layer to the complex debate surrounding North Bengal’s status, emphasizing historical, demographic, and security considerations.
Major General Arvind Bhatia (Retired) provides a strategic and military perspective on the situation in North Bengal. He notes that the region north of the Siliguri corridor is characterized by a substantial Nepali population, which creates topographical and demographic similarities with Sikkim and the Cachar region. Gen. Bhatia proposes that the 33 Corps’ area of responsibility (AOR) would be more uniform if this region were incorporated into the northeastern region from a military perspective. He considers this prospective realignment to be “not a bad idea,” implying that it could have strategic advantages. Gen. Bhatia also interprets this prospective action in terms of political strategy, positing that it could exert pressure on “Mamta Didi.” He accuses the current West Bengal leadership of willfully aligning with anti-national forces and promoting the entry of illegal immigrants into India, and he criticizes them.
Conclusion
North and South Bengal have significant variances due to tribal culture, closeness to hill regions, and economics. In North Bengal, a considerable number of Bangladeshi migrants live. While Assam is also a victim of large numbers of undocumented Bangladeshi Muslims, and its BJP state government opposes its merger with NE, particularly because the two states are geographically close, it supports North Bengal becoming a UT similar to J&K or Ladakh. Any support for this movement will bolster regional movements such as Gorkha Land, Vidarbha, Saurashtra, Harit Pradesh, Bundelkhand, Poorvanchal, Mahakoshal, Kamtapur, Bodoland, and Kuki Homeland, which have resulted in unprecedented bloodshed in Manipur, a vital state in the Northeast.
Regarding national integrity, development, and internal and national security restrictions, party politics is the most pressing issue. Many believe that the BJP raised this problem to deflect people’s and political parties’ attention away from more significant issues such as NEET, Budget 2024, unemployment, inflation, J&K terror attacks, Manipur, and so on. The war between the BJP and the TMC over the division of North Bengal as a separate state/UT must be put to an end and resolved as a national issue that hurts our economy, development, peace, and tranquillity because the sensitive ‘Siliguri Corridor/Chicken Neck’ region connecting India to the NE states and proximity to international borders (IBs) with China, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal, and Bhutan are all in this sensitive and strategic region of our country.
Any administration, whether at the national or state level, must meet the desires of the people rather than for political gain. Remember that building a new state requires extensive infrastructure and funding. Chandra Babu Naidu is receiving nearly ₹40,000 crores to construct Amravati, with only 16 MPs supporting the BJP minority administration at the Centre.